[Quote] Why do the China People Think the World Loves China?

底下這篇刊載在華盛頓郵報的文章,原文的標題為: Blinded By the Firewall
原文副標題為: Why the Chinese Think The World Loves China
我覺得使用問句應該更為恰當,因為這是令人想問的事情。中文翻譯從龜趣來嘻引用,底下附上原文,為避免影響閱讀,想法放在中譯文的後頭。
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作者: John Kamm
原文鏈結:
Blinded By the Firewall
Why the Chinese Think The World Loves China
中國人看來是地球上最容易滿足的民族了,根據Pew研究中心的調查,超過百分之八十的受訪者表示他們對國內經濟與整體方向非常滿意,百分之六十五的人認為政府執政成果優秀,百分之九十六的人認為奧運會非常成功,百分之九十三的人相信奧運會改變這個國家的形象。三成的人認為中國會贏得最多金牌,就算把在極權國家內進行調查可能產生的誤差給算進去,這些數字還是讓人驚訝:中國的樂觀態度都快滿出來了。

七成五的中國人認為世界上其他國家的人都喜歡中國,只有十分之一的人認為外國人不喜歡自己的國家,超過百分之八十的人相信中國在制定外交政策時考量了其他國家的利益,只有百分之三的人認為中國的經濟成長對其他國家帶來負面效果。也只有百分之一的人知道中國製造的產品曾因為品質與安全問題而被召回。

Pew的公眾意見全球態度調查訪問了二十四個國家的人民,並於六月發佈,調查結果很清楚的顯示國際輿論對中國的看法與中國人自己對中國的看法大異其趣。

若是將中國的調查結果去掉,在可以追溯的資料中,其他各國對中國的喜愛程度平均值是百分之四十六,在這些國家中,十五個國家對中國的喜愛分數自去年開始便下滑,同樣的,如今更多人相信中國對他們的國家的負面影響比正面影響來得大。所有受調查的國家中,僅百分之三十的人相信中國在乎其他國家的利益,而對中國產品的問題則是眾所皆知。

其他的調查也顯示出,中國人以為世界怎麼看待中國跟實際上其他國家到底怎麼看待中國之間都存在類似的斷裂。最近一次BBC的調查發現百分之九十的中國人相信中國對全球的影響是正面的,然而在調查資料可追溯的二十三個國家中,只有百分之四十七的人這麼認為。

簡單來說,中國人以為世界上喜歡中國的人比實際上多了一倍。這不是一條小縫隙,而是一個大裂谷。圍繞在中國人四周的資訊泡膜就是原因所在。

想想今年春天奧運聖火傳遞時中國人的反應,讓人驚訝多過於憤怒的是,造成人們如此反應的情感因素很清楚:這些外國人怎麼可以對像中國這樣一個受到喜愛且尊敬的國家做出這種事情?一位中國外交部的官員在今年四月倫敦與巴黎的聖火抗議之後跟我說:「中國向全世界微笑,但是世界卻無動於衷」。她強調外國人對北京人權問題以及西藏政策進行的抗議如何重傷害了中國人民的情感,但是在這一連串抗議之前所做的調查中可以發現差異很大的印度、南韓、美國、與德國等國家對中國的西藏政策都普遍不支持。

沒人入住的北京旅館房間跟中國之外頗低的觀賽興致可以歸咎於更嚴格的簽證規定與安全條件,造成人們沒有意願到北京一遊。一年前,NBC新聞與華盛頓郵報聯合舉辦的調查發現三分之二的美國人(受調查的)沒興趣觀看奧運,中國的形象(並沒有因為它在這禮拜決定撤銷奧運選手Joey Cheek 的簽證而改善)會影響國際電視觀眾觀看奧運的規模。已開發國家的人們認為將奧運交給北京辦理是個錯誤(根據Pew調查,百分之四十三的美國人這麼認為,而百分之四十一的人認為這是正確的決定),所以也傾向於不觀看奧運。

中國人以為世界喜歡中國的這件事,合理地解釋了為什麼說服北京重視並處理人權及其他議題會那麼困難。中國人到頭來並不覺得需要做出任何改變來改善這個國家的形象。相反的,調查顯示出美國人很清楚美國的海外形象這幾年已經被毀壞殆盡,而眾人皆有共識認為他們得做些事情來改善這個極差的形象。然而在中國,共產黨控制了絕大多數人民能接收的資訊,這些資訊中並不包括顯示出這個國家變得多麼不受歡迎的資料。

假使中國人終究察知這個世界怎麼看待他們的國家,他們會疑惑為什麼此形像那麼糟,他們會學習,並且知道中國的經濟成長以及其對西方國家工作及環境的影響,中國的軍事擴張則是另一件令人擔憂的事。

但是更衝擊一般中國人的是世界普遍認為他們的政府並不尊重個人自由。二十三個國家中的十二個國家中的大多數人民(包括除了俄羅斯之外所有在雅典奧運中奪金牌數最多的國家)相信中國政府並不尊重個人權利。在另外十個國家中,至少有三分之二的人持相同看法,只有其餘四個國家中的大多數人民認為中國政府尊重個人自由。

我們並不知道中國人是否認為他們的政府尊重人權:Pew沒有被允許在中國問這個問題。

本文作者是中美對話基金會的創辦人與執行主任,該基金會是舊金山的人權團體。
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我一直感受得到中國人「覺得全世界都愛中國」的想法,尤其是在國外的討論區、留言版,甚至是在一些會議場合跟非常高經濟水準、非常高知識水準的中國人正面對談的時候,都可以感受到中國人都會透露這種想法:「你就是愛中國,對吧?你就承認吧?別不好意思了~就跟你們小馬哥一樣愛,對吧?」這種感覺,而這種想法,無疑是一種民族教育所產生的花痴意識,就像是一個痴肥臃腫的醜八怪總認為帥哥美女都一定會愛上他一樣;而追究原因,卻是因為他的爸媽在他一出生時,就先把他的眼睛給矇住了,每天跟他說「大家都好愛好愛你」;當醜八怪認為你對他有意思而向你拋媚眼的時候,那種感覺還真是打從心裡的噁。

即便現在這個醜八怪因為好奇心使然,會自己偷偷地把遮眼布打開來偷看,也還是認為自己的肥胖臃腫醜八怪才是世界最美,有人罵他醜怪、勸他該減肥,他總是第一時間閉上眼睛蓋住耳朵開始喃喃自語「我很美、我很棒」,事實上醜怪與肥胖的情況並沒有任何改變;原因無他,就是這個醜八怪看得少,評價、立場與處理事物的方式都與其他人不一樣,就算有人叫他別老活在自己的精神世界裡,他也會認為那是其他人的問題,而這也是中國政府希望做到的花痴型養成教育。

龜說他並不完全同意作者意見,但是卻也沒寫出哪裡不同意,而我看完,卻對原文相當認同,不過,那塊遮眼布,其實也是「獸欄」。

前不久有新聞說,中國政府決定在奧運期間,解除網路上的言論封鎖,不過這並沒有獲得一般人的讚許或認同,因為中國的算盤是打得非常精明的:這種舉動就像把一群肥胖臃腫又醜八怪的攻擊犬從西藏血腥鎮壓之後就餓到現在,然後一口氣把關他們的柵欄都拿掉一樣,只要有人在網路上批評中國奧運,這些網路攻擊犬應該會在第一時間留著口水猛咬上去,直接就幫中國政府肅清了全球的言論批評。

醜八怪會變成攻擊犬,跟人魔電影一樣,孩童時的成長歷程一旦被扭曲過,長大後你也別想他會能變得很正常。

中國人現在在網路上政戰指揮最高指導原則是:「當說不贏對方時,就去挑文章焦點以外的毛病、讓文章失信、用破壞公信力的方式去抵制那篇文章的言論」,這也是中國人在文化大革命後所學習到的最高技巧,只要用挑毛病的方式去抵制他人言論,就是最能夠轉移焦點的戰文方式,當別人疲於奔命去補充來不及寫入文章的資訊時,留言的人早就閃人了,焦點也模糊了,而這種方式硬要搞,就算是寫三百字新聞也可能得搞出一本百科全書來佐證,而他們還是會繼續戰的。

西藏血腥鎮壓後的「網路言論清洗作業」,就是用同樣的方式。中國政府讓西方媒體拍不到畫面,收集不到實證,即便有證人,因為口說無憑,也成為可以被挑及的毛病,即便有照片,也可以說是 PS 後的物品,因為人口多,在西方國家具有公信力的媒體一時之間也被打得啞口無言(例如,日本有 80% 的人口相信 A 媒體,可是「日本+中國」的總人口會相信 A 媒體的可就不到 30%了)在那一段時間內,柵欄開開關關,事實證明中國的養成計畫的確是相當成功。

之後想如果有媒體想評論奧運?等著瞧吧!即便中國某個獎項只拿到銀牌,也能靠這套變成金牌的。至於奧運會本身,我會幹譙 YouTube 屈服於授權而限制某些地方觀看網路直播,但是中國奧運會我真的是不想看。這是不是種歧視?是。這是不是種敵意?是。這是不是種偏見?是。但是是誰造成的?中國!偏偏「誰造成」的這句話總是沒人敢問出口!

英文原文:
The Chinese people, it seems, are among the most satisfied on Earth. More than 80 percent told the Pew Research Center that they are satisfied with the country's economy and overall direction, and 65 percent think the government is doing a good job. Ninety-six percent think the Olympics will be a success, and 93 percent believe the Games will improve the country's image. Three-quarters think China will win the most gold medals. Even accounting for distortions that arise in polling in authoritarian states, the numbers are impressive: China is brimming with optimism.

Three in four Chinese think the world likes China, while only one in 10 thinks foreigners don't like the country. More than 80 percent believe China takes other countries' interests into account when formulating foreign policy. Just 3 percent think China's economic growth has a negative effect on other countries. Only 1 percent knew a lot about the recall of Chinese products for quality and safety reasons.
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Pew's Global Attitudes Survey of public opinion in 24 countries, released in June, makes clear that international opinion toward China is very different from what people in China think it is.

Excluding results from China, the mean "favorable" rating for China in 21 countries for which tracking data are available is 46 percent, and in 15 of these countries China's favorability rating declined this year from last. Also in 15 countries, more people believe that China exerts a bad influence on their country than think it exerts a good influence. Across all countries in the poll, only 30 percent believe China takes the interests of other countries into account. Knowledge of problems with Chinese products is widespread.

Other polls reveal a similar disconnect between how the Chinese think the world views China and how other countries actually view it. A recent BBC survey found that 90 percent of Chinese believe China's global influence is positive. The average opinion in the 23 countries for which tracking data is available was 47 percent.

Essentially, the people of China think twice as many people in the world like their country as actually do. This isn't a gap; it's a chasm. And the information bubble around the Chinese people explains a lot.

Consider the Chinese reaction to the Olympic torch protests this spring. More shock than anger, the sentiment underlying the people's responses was clear: How could foreigners behave so badly toward a country as loved and respected as China? An official from the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs mournfully told me after the London and Paris protests in April: "China is smiling at the world, but the world is not smiling back." She stressed how hurt the feelings of the Chinese people were by protests of Beijing's human rights practices and its policy toward Tibet. Yet polling before the protests found widespread disapproval of Chinese policies toward Tibet in countries as diverse as India, South Korea, the United States and Germany.

The empty Beijing hotel rooms and the lower-than-usual interest in the Games outside China are attributable to more than the strict visa policies and security measures that have discouraged travel to Beijing. A year ago, an NBC News-Wall Street Journal poll found that two-thirds of Americans surveyed had little or no interest in attending the Games. China's image (which was not helped by its decision this week to revoke the visa of Olympian Joey Cheek) could affect the size of the international TV audience for the Games. The people in developed countries who think it was a mistake to award the Olympics to Beijing (43 percent of Americans, vs. 41 percent who told Pew it was the correct decision) are less likely to watch.

The fact that the Chinese people think the world loves China helps explain why it is so difficult to persuade Beijing to address human rights and other issues. The Chinese people, after all, see no need for changes to improve the country's image. In contrast, polls have shown that Americans are aware that the United States' image overseas has been badly damaged in recent years, and there is widespread agreement that work must be done to improve that image. In China, the Communist Party controls most of the information to which people have access, and that information does not include material showing how unpopular the country has become.

If the Chinese eventually come to understand how the world sees their country, they will ask why its image is so poor. They will learn, then, that there is concern about China's economic growth and its impact on Western jobs and on the environment, as well as concern about China's military expansion.

But most striking to the average Chinese may be the widely held view that their government does not respect personal freedoms. Majorities in 12 of 23 countries (including all of the top medal winners in the Athens Games except Russia) believe the Chinese government does not respect individual rights. In 10 countries, at least two-thirds hold that opinion. Only in four countries do a majority think the Chinese government respects personal freedoms.

It is not known whether the Chinese people think their government respects human rights: Pew wasn't allowed to ask this question in China.

The writer is founder and executive director of theDui Hua Foundation, a San Francisco human rights group.